Notice bibliographique
Résumé
ABSTRACTLines of argument are adduced to support the contention that the ecological community in general could benefit from acquaintance with the worldview of the Havasupai. The work of Hirst is alluded to, and comparison is made to the greater preservationist thought, such as that of Passmore. The point of the overview is that the Havasupai relationship to their environment is one from which we can all learn, and one that is significantly different from that of other First Nations peoples.ResumeOn presente differents arguments en faveur de la these que le monde des ecologistes pourrait profiter d'une connaissance de la vision du monde des Havasupai. On renvoie aux travaux de Hirst, et on compare aux travaux sur la conservation dans un sens plus large, par exemple ceux de Passmore. Le but de cet apercu etant le suivant: la relation entre les Havasupai et leur milieu en est une dont tous peuvent apprendre quelque chose, et elle differe de celle d'autres Premieres Nations.Much has been written about the concept of preservation, or stewardship, with respect to current ecological issues, and still another body of work adverts to Indigenous cultures for a take on what a wholistic ecological view might amount to.1 But comparatively little has been done to elucidate the intersection of these areas in terms that might encompass sophisticated ethical thinking. In addition to the allusion to developing cultures throughout the world, reference to Native American cultures is often made, but again without a developed overview of work on environmental issues done by those with philosophical training.Interestingly, at least one of the areas of North America most often cited with respect to its visual force and capacity to engage the views of nature that we as human beings have is also home to a long-instantiated Native American culture with decided beliefs on the topic. The Grand Canyon of Arizona is also the dwelling place for the Havasupai, a small but much-documented First Nations group that has been the target of a great deal of commentary by ecologists and organizations addressing environmental issues. One of the most noteworthy features of Havasupai culture is the extent to which the members of the group identify strongly with the canyon and the surrounding area - indeed, a recent work on them is titled in such a way as to bring that identification sharply to our attention.2 But if a notion of identification with a place, even at a level that we might term ontological, is important, it is also necessary to spell out what this identification might amount to in terms of contemporary environmentalist ethics. It will be the purpose of this paper to develop the view of the Havasupai in preservationist terms, and to contrast this with some of the crucial literature in this area.IIn comparison to some other indigenous groups of the Arizona region, the Havasupai have historically been restricted to a fairly small area. Indeed, retention of that area, given the American system of national parks, monuments and recreation areas directed by the federal government, has itself been a bone of contention.3 But this restriction of land area -in comparison, for example, to the Navajo or even the Hopi - has meant that the Havasupai have an unusually strong identification not only with their portion of the Grand Canyon, but with the canyon as a whole, its strata, rock formations, vistas and plant life. Indeed, Havasupai children are often told tales that reflect this identification and the seasonal movement from their summer dwelling place in the lower part of the canyon to the rim and surrounding area is a source of some of the most important components of traditional Havasupai culture.4The strong place identification of the Havasupai has meant that, over the course of time, they have become extremely sensitive to alterations in their environment, and perhaps more than many Native American groups, they have a lengthy history of contact with the dominant white settler culture that has to do with issues of use and preservation. …
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,003 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,002 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».