Bibliographic record
Abstract
ABSTRACTLines of argument are adduced to support the contention that the ecological community in general could benefit from acquaintance with the worldview of the Havasupai. The work of Hirst is alluded to, and comparison is made to the greater preservationist thought, such as that of Passmore. The point of the overview is that the Havasupai relationship to their environment is one from which we can all learn, and one that is significantly different from that of other First Nations peoples.ResumeOn presente differents arguments en faveur de la these que le monde des ecologistes pourrait profiter d'une connaissance de la vision du monde des Havasupai. On renvoie aux travaux de Hirst, et on compare aux travaux sur la conservation dans un sens plus large, par exemple ceux de Passmore. Le but de cet apercu etant le suivant: la relation entre les Havasupai et leur milieu en est une dont tous peuvent apprendre quelque chose, et elle differe de celle d'autres Premieres Nations.Much has been written about the concept of preservation, or stewardship, with respect to current ecological issues, and still another body of work adverts to Indigenous cultures for a take on what a wholistic ecological view might amount to.1 But comparatively little has been done to elucidate the intersection of these areas in terms that might encompass sophisticated ethical thinking. In addition to the allusion to developing cultures throughout the world, reference to Native American cultures is often made, but again without a developed overview of work on environmental issues done by those with philosophical training.Interestingly, at least one of the areas of North America most often cited with respect to its visual force and capacity to engage the views of nature that we as human beings have is also home to a long-instantiated Native American culture with decided beliefs on the topic. The Grand Canyon of Arizona is also the dwelling place for the Havasupai, a small but much-documented First Nations group that has been the target of a great deal of commentary by ecologists and organizations addressing environmental issues. One of the most noteworthy features of Havasupai culture is the extent to which the members of the group identify strongly with the canyon and the surrounding area - indeed, a recent work on them is titled in such a way as to bring that identification sharply to our attention.2 But if a notion of identification with a place, even at a level that we might term ontological, is important, it is also necessary to spell out what this identification might amount to in terms of contemporary environmentalist ethics. It will be the purpose of this paper to develop the view of the Havasupai in preservationist terms, and to contrast this with some of the crucial literature in this area.IIn comparison to some other indigenous groups of the Arizona region, the Havasupai have historically been restricted to a fairly small area. Indeed, retention of that area, given the American system of national parks, monuments and recreation areas directed by the federal government, has itself been a bone of contention.3 But this restriction of land area -in comparison, for example, to the Navajo or even the Hopi - has meant that the Havasupai have an unusually strong identification not only with their portion of the Grand Canyon, but with the canyon as a whole, its strata, rock formations, vistas and plant life. Indeed, Havasupai children are often told tales that reflect this identification and the seasonal movement from their summer dwelling place in the lower part of the canyon to the rim and surrounding area is a source of some of the most important components of traditional Havasupai culture.4The strong place identification of the Havasupai has meant that, over the course of time, they have become extremely sensitive to alterations in their environment, and perhaps more than many Native American groups, they have a lengthy history of contact with the dominant white settler culture that has to do with issues of use and preservation. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.002 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".