Why this work is in the frame
A frame that forgets how it found something cannot be audited. These are the routes that admitted this work.
Bibliographic record
Abstract
This paper examines Palestinian women's participation in the second Palestinian Intifada. It emphasizes the important role of Palestinian women in the first Intifada, and examines how that role decreased in the second Intifada? This paper outlines the impact of Oslo Peace Accords and the establishment of Palestinian women's political activities. It explores the impact of the current conflict situation on women and how the women's movement continues the struggle for women's emancipation and national independence. The first Palestinian Intifada (uprising) began in December 1987, and continued unabated until the peace talks in Madrid in 1992. As a consequence of the hopes that these talks inspired, resistance activities slowed down. The second Intifada(1) broke out on September 28, 2000 as a result of the people's frustration with the lack of progress and good will of the Oslo Peace Accord, and triggered by Ariel Sharon's visit to the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Old Jerusalem, the holiest site for Muslims after Mecca. Palestinian women played very different roles in each uprising. For Palestinian women, the struggle for women's liberation has been bound up with the Palestinian national struggle for independence. By aligning themselves with the national movement, Palestinian women have been able to move into the public sphere with relative ease. In fact, the first Intifada enabled women to assume roles and responsibilities that typically had been the preserve of men. Thus, nationalism provided a legitimate venue for Palestinian women's activities outside the home. Such public activities run counter to the restrictive view of female roles which continue to prevail in traditional Arab society. Yet, despite women's vital and important role in the first Intifada, women were virtually absent from the second Intifada. Why did women's level of participation change? How do women voice their resistance? What role does gender play in the struggle for Palestinian self-determination? What is the impact of the second Intifada on women? Women Between the Two Intifadas During the first Intifada, women in general, and women's mass-based organizations in particular, were integral to the Palestinian struggle. The momentum of the national resistance movement pushed many women and women's organizations to the forefront of the national struggle. The first uprising in 1987 provided the impetus for Palestinian women's activities in the process of women's politicization and socialization These activities peaked during the first Intifada. Women's presence and influence in the public sphere became visible. Women's participation in street actions provided a basis and a model for new types of popular committees that included mass-based organizations and women participants from all ranks and classes. With the first Intifada, many women challenged and transgressed proscribed gender roles. However, once the first Intifada ended and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) was established, women faced challenges of a gendered division of power and of resources. As is often the case in the aftermath of national emancipation struggles, while men take for granted that they will assume positions of power, women are often relegated back to the private sphere of the home and the family.(2) These patterns of gendered nationalism are widespread. Almost without exception, women's issues are deployed to win nationalist struggles. Women are used as symbols of national morality, working behind the scenes as support workers and guerrilla fighters. In guerrilla war, for example, women are often employed as couriers because they are less likely to be body-searched.(3) Yet the practical and strategic interests of women -- for example, in the case of Palestine, those issues which gained attention in the first Intifada -- became subordinated to masculinist priorities. As a result, the legitimacy of women who entered the Palestinian public sphere was questioned. …
Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.010 | 0.005 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it