An evaluation of Canada’s engagement in Afghanistan
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Canada's engagement in Afghanistan, following in the wake of the United Statesled 7 October 2001 military invasion, has proven to be the most significant and closely observed Canadian international policy initiative since the Korean War. Over the past 12 years Ottawa has made a significant series of commitments to Afghanistan military, political, diplomatic, economic and social that have placed the Canadian Afghan relationship at the centre of Canadian external relations.The most prominent and visible component of that commitment has arguably been Canada's military involvement in Afghanistan. That involvement grew to upwards of 3000 members of the Canadian Forces1 deployed to Afghanistan, principally in Kabul and in Kandahar province. As a member of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) under the command of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Canadian military presence dramatically shifted from an emphasis on peacekeeping and logistical support to a direct combat role to a focus on training some 50,000 members of the Afghan National Army. This presence, however, has come at great cost in excess of 150 members of the Canadian Forces have died in the line of duty and more than 600 have been wounded in action.Beyond the actions of the Canadian Forces, Canada has sought to promote law and order in Afghanistan by training a wide variety of law enforcement officials in the country. Efforts have included having civilian and military police oversee the training of sizeable numbers (roughly 3000) of the Afghan National Police, corrections officers located in Kandahar, and officials with the Afghan National Customs Academy in Kabul.To aid in the effective administrative governance of Afghanistan, Canada has undertaken a variety of initiatives, including training, mentoring, and providing logistical support to strengthen the political role of local or community-based governance councils; providing direct administrative and financial oversight and training for key Afghan national ministries; directly assisting the fledgling Afghan electoral system, which included supporting the 2009 presidential and 2010 parliamentary elections; and working to identify and implement a series of confidencebuilding measures between Afghanistan and Pakistan, including the 2010 Afghanistan Pakistan Border Region Prosperity Initiative.Canadian economic and social contributions have also been wide-ranging. Pivotal to these efforts has been the reconstruction of the Dahla Dam and the Arghandab irrigation system (designed to foster sustainable agricultural output). The Government of Canada has also provided community economic development assistance (grants and loans) to foster existing and new business opportunities; built, repaired and expanded some 26 community-based schools; worked to develop curriculum, pedagogical training tools, and teacher training programs for the Afghan Ministry of Higher Education; provided valuable assistance to Kandahar University (including construction of a boundary wall, a women's dormitory, and a water well); extended vocational and literacy training to 30,000 Afghans; spearheaded a national polio vaccination campaign; trained 1500 healthcare workers; significantly contributed to the World Food Programme; and undertaken landmine elimination and training activities.The year 2011 marked a watershed for Canada's engagement with Afghanistan.2 The formerly wide range of commitments is now decidedly more limited in scope. Most notably, Canada's active combat role has concluded. Ottawa is now focused on the ongoing training of Afghan National Security Forces, regional diplomacy, education, health, and humanitarian assistance. Afghanistan, in other words, is now treated much like other developing nations to which Canada provides foreign aid.Focus of this issueThere is a distinct need, in the wake of the end of active Canadian military combat involvement in Afghanistan, to undertake a systematic review and assessment of the impact of Canada's engagement in Afghanistan across a full range of political, diplomatic, security, economic, and social indicators. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.004 | 0.010 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.003 | 0.008 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.015 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.005 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.006 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".