Introduction to "Indigenous Women: The State of Our Nations"
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Indigenous W omen: The State of Our Nations originated with our desire, as co-editors, to continue a working relationship that began with the anthology Strong Women Stories: Native Vision and Survival (2003). In Strong Women Stories, the contributors addressed the range of that Aboriginal women take on as they work to ensure the survival of our communities. A number of them examined the complex legal categories through which Canada classifies Nativeness, and explored how being labelled as a C-31 Indian, or as non-status or Metis, affected their ability to feel a sense of belonging within their own and other Native communities. Other women addressed of child-rearing, schooling, sexuality, leadership, women and traditionalism, aging, violence against women and children and healing. Notably absent in these accounts, however, were articles that explicitly explored the politics of sovereignty. This absence both intrigued and troubled us, and prompted us to ask the contributors to this journal to write about Aboriginal women and As a starting point, we knew that community issues and issues have often been separated within our communities. Sovereignty issues, as articulated by the formal leadership (largely male) have addressed land claims and constitutional battles, in the courts and within government circles. Community issues, as articulated by the informal leadership (largely female), have encompassed a range of struggles, including addressing violence against women and children, alcoholism and other addictions, the health needs of children and elders, and education that is culture-based and controlled. Too often, the agendas of the formal leadership are prioritized, while the informal leadership's concerns receive secondary attention. The gender divisions that underpin whose perspectives are prioritized are obvious; what is less clear are the ways in which the gender divisions forced on us by the colonizer may have resulted in different definitions, among men and women, of sovereignty and nationhood.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.002 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.008 | 0.004 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.006 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.004 |
| Research integrity | 0.004 | 0.007 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.021 | 0.004 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".