ETHNIC ENTREPRENEURSHIP OF KOREAN NEW ZEALANDERS: RESTAURANT BUSINESS AS SELF- EMPLOYMENT PRACTICE
Bibliographic record
Abstract
While there were a few hundred Koreans living in New Zealand before the late 1980s, Korean migration to New Zealand began in earnest in the early 1990s. This was after the New Zealand Government changed its immigration policy at the end of the 1980s and began to accept non-European immigrants. Soon after, many Koreans immigrated to New Zealand and their numbers grew sharply through the 1990s. This was because Koreans perceived New Zealand as a favourable country in which to live where their children could attain a better education while the adults could enjoy a more leisurely lifestyle. The 1997 financial crisis in Korea pushed many Koreans to return to their homeland, but by 2000 the number of Korean immigrants grew again and the number surpassed 20,000 in 2002. Soon, however, the growth rate of Korean immigrants slowed due to the restrictive immigration policies of the New Zealand Government. At the same time, many Koreans who had immigrated to New Zealand re-migrated to other countries such as Australia, Canada and the US in search of better opportunities. Many others returned to their homeland for the same purpose. The New Zealand Census (conducted in 2006) showed that there were 30,792 Koreans in the country, making Koreans the third largest Asian group after Chinese and Indians. About 70% of Koreans are concentrated in the Auckland region, and within Auckland, the great majority of Korean immigrants live in the North Shore area. Korean New Zealanders are relatively young with half of them aged below 25 years old, reflecting the fact that many Korean families migrated here for their children’s education. Koreans in New Zealand are generally envied by their friends and relatives in South Korea as the latter believe that the former enjoy a leisurely lifestyle in a clean environment with a good education system. While many Korean immigrants enjoy their lives in this country, they feel that their employment opportunities are very limited. The unemployment rate among Korean immigrants in New Zealand is higher than that of other migrants including Chinese New Zealanders (Meares et al 2010: 35). 1 The income
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.002 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".