Bibliographic record
Abstract
The objective of this paper is to examine the relationship between fertility decline and selected patterns of the Indian family in the late 20th century. Much of the analysis presented in the study is based on secondary data collected and compiled by various organizations, including the three most recent National Family Health Surveys, 1990-92, 1998-99, and 2005-06. I find that since the mid-1970s, fertility decline in India has been impressive (falling from about 6 to 3 children per woman within an interval of 30 years). Its pace has slowed down in recent years and regional differences have remained largely unchanged. In 2003-05, the fertility rate varied from below replacement level for Goa, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and four southern states (Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu) to about four children per woman for Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. In general, most Indian couples–even in low fertility states–have more children than they would like. The two-child family is the most desired. Although the one child family is increasingly accepted, it remains largely marginal while the prevalence of voluntary childlessness is virtually nonexistent. The average age at marriage has increased over the years, yet early marriages continue to be prevalent in many parts of the country. The median age at marriage for women is as low as 16 years (in 2003-05) in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. The average age of women when they have their first child has barely changed–staying below age 20–over several generations. However, the age when they complete their childbearing has declined, resulting in a compression of the reproductive life span. Couples continue to accept female sterilization as a means to stop having children rather than choose other methods of contraception for the purpose of child spacing. Most couples are increasingly opting for a smaller number of children, yet they would like to make sure that one of them is a boy. Thus many continue to have children until they have a boy, although this pattern has become less pronounced among couples of younger generations.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.003 | 0.005 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.002 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".