Bibliographic record
Abstract
A legal tradition . . . is not a set of rules of law . . .rather it is a set of deeply rooted, historically conditioned attitudes about . . . the proper organization and operation of a legal system.The legal tradition relates the legal system to the culture of which it is a partial expression.(Merryman, 1969, p. 2) Introduction: A Primer on Legal TraditionsThe law and the economy are profoundly influenced, in much of the world, by either the civil or the common law legal tradition.A legal tradition or origin is a bundle of well-defined institutions governing either the creation of the law or the procedural style of dispute adjudication, and sharing a common "historical background, [a common] characteristic mode of thought in legal matters [and a common] ideology" (Zweigert and Kötz, 1998, p. 68).Common law originated in thirteenth century England, and has been transplanted through colonization to England's ex-colonies. 1 Civil law has its roots in Roman law, and has been imported through the Napoleonic codes to Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal.These last four powers, along with France, spread it to the Near East, Latin America, Northern Africa and Indochina.Structurally the two traditions operate in different ways: while common law accords a key role to precedents and allows more procedural discretion to lower adjudicating courts, civil law relies on legal codes and bright-line adjudication rules (Zweigert and Kötz, 1998).Building on the wide differences between the French civil law and the English common law, 2 Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert Vishny (or LLSV) proposed, in two influential papers (LLSV, 1997 and 1998), the idea that the exogenous transplantation process brought not only 144 * I am grateful to Toke Aidt, Giuseppe Dari-Mattiacci, and Francesco Parisi for valuable discussions on earlier drafts.1 These are the United States, Canada, Australia, and many countries in Africa and Asia.2 While the Austrian and Russian empires designed legal systems that were quite similar to the French, Germany, Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries embraced judge-made law along with bright-line adjudication rules (David et al., 1995).However, this variation is of little relevance because Scandinavian countries did not have colonies and Germany had a strong influence only on
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.002 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.003 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".