An examination of the integration processes of Anishinaabe smudging ceremonies in Northeastern Ontario health care facililties.
Bibliographic record
Abstract
In part of the Anishinaabek storytelling traditions, ceremonies emerged from the \nteachings from the simple act of offering tobacco to more complex ceremonies such as \nthe rain dance. The smudging ceremony is no different because it has its own creation \nstory that emerged with the four medicines (Benton-Banai, 1988; Geniusz, 2009). This \nresearch aims to contribute to the an understanding of how the Indigenous smudging \nceremony takes place and how it is made available to individuals who want to practice \nthis form of ceremony in urban health care settings. \nThere has been limited research conducted on Indigenous ceremonies and even \nless on the smudging ceremony, which highlights the literature gap on scholarly souces \non these traditional ways of healing written by Indigenous People. Most of the \ninformation on the smudging ceremony is from online sources, Elders that are not \npublished, and non-Indigenous people. Although there are many books, how-to manuals, \nand kits that provide medicines that teach interested individuals on the smudging \nceremony, these could be found in the New Age healing sections at bookstores or in \nalternative healing shops that many would not find to be a credible academic source. \nNone of these sources address why the smudging ceremony is crucial and how it has been \nsuppressed as part of a much larger process of cultural genocide. \nThis research is situated within an historical context to better understand why the \nceremony has not been accessible within these health care facilities. There are three \nfacilities examined in Sudbury and Parry Sound, Ontario. The facilities and policies are \ncompared to understand the integration processes as well as ensuring that the smudging \nceremony is more accessible. In addition, the contribution of this thesis is to have the \nsmudging ceremony accessible and accommodated outside the walls of medicine/healing \nlodge rooms. Lastly, this study is examined through the Anishinaabe perspective that \ncomplements the decolonization approach as it recommends meaningful pathways that \nsupport the efforts of reconciliation.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".