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Record W2792787884 · doi:10.1215/07402775-4373494

In a Lonely Place

2017· article· en· W2792787884 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Paul Okalik

Bibliographic record

VenueWorld Policy Journal · 2017
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldHealth Professions
TopicIndigenous Studies and Ecology
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsLegislative assemblyLegislaturePopulationPolitical scienceCabinet (room)Opposition (politics)Public administrationGeographyLawSociologyArchaeologyPoliticsDemography

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Paul Okalik doesn’t shy away from public spectacle. In late 2015, while Canadian Minister of the Environment Leona Aglukkaq was speaking at a forum, Okalik—at the time Minister of Health and Justice for the northern territory of Nunavut—was seen performatively reading a newspaper. The previous year, Aglukkaq, a Conservative, had been spotted doing the same at a hearing where Liberal opposition members were testifying about food insecurity in Nunavut.Then, in 2016, Okalik stepped down from his position in the Nunavut cabinet. Citing his own history with alcoholism, he announced to the regional legislature that he could not support a measure to permit alcohol sales in the territory without first establishing addiction treatment programs.Nunavut became a territory in 1999, splitting from the Northwest Territories after a long series of negotiations between Inuit leaders and Ottawa. (Canada’s three territories receive their authority from the federal government, while its 10 provinces have powers enshrined in the Constitution.) The Inuit now make up more than 80 percent of Nunavut’s population. The sparsely populated territory is governed by a legislative assembly and led by a premier. Okalik, who was born in an Inuit hamlet on Baffin Island, was Nunavut’s first premier, a position he held until 2008. He has served in various offices since then, most recently as a representative of Iqaluit, Nunavut’s capital. In October, he lost his seat to former Iqaluit mayor Elisapee Sheutiapik.Now 18 years into Inuit self-rule, Nunavut’s politicians still grapple with a budget largely reliant on federal funding. Shortly after the 2017 elections, World Policy Journal managing editor Laurel Jarombek spoke with Okalik about this period of transition for Canada’s Inuit—a people who, after their traditional ways of life were disrupted by assimilationist national policies, are now developing new methods of governance. The following has been adapted from their conversation.Prior to the 1999 agreement, the Inuit had been pretty much left behind. We had been governed by the Northwest Territories and Ottawa, and it was a challenge to bring attention to the issues we faced in our homeland. We established our own territory to focus on our priorities—to promote our language and to have a meaningful role in government. We used our land claims agreement, a treaty negotiated with the national government in the 80s and 90s, to push for self-governance.When I returned to Nunavut after studying government and the law, the first elections were gearing up, and I was convinced to run for office. I wanted to do what I could for my territory.Today, almost 20 years later, issues like low living standards and education are still outstanding. The Inuit started with a totally different economic system that didn’t rely on money; it was focused on survival and food gathering. That lasted until around the time I was born, in the early 1960s, and after that the Inuit were relocated to government-made settlements. So we never had a monetary system with which to save and create wealth, and we switched from a hunter-gatherer society to today’s society without any real transitional period. We want to retain our culture, and at the same time acquire the tools to move forward.We want to have the same educational standards as anywhere in the country. We can’t sustain our current cycle of being uneducated, living in public housing, and relying on welfare. It’s not an option. We were once an independent, sovereign society, with our own systems for governance and living. And we can do that again. But for the past decade, we have seen the 15 or 16 percent of our population that is not Inuit govern our territory through bureaucracy—they hold the most powerful and senior positions. There are some bright, young, university-educated Inuit who put their names forward in this last election, but they were rebuffed. There’s a mentality—which must change—that educated Inuit are viewed as “less Inuit” than non-educated Inuit, and that if you’re white, you’re superior.As we rebuild our society, the national government needs to focus on supporting our communities. The current administration, under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, has been a refreshing change. I remember when past governments focused on dividing and conquering Aboriginal peoples in our country. Through actions such as the recent amendments to the Indian Act, this government has shown that it is focused on improving relations and working with all Aboriginal citizens. Hopefully they’ll stay in power for a while longer, as there’s still much more work to do. The most encouraging sign I see is the number of students trying to advance. Once one generation has succeeded in breaking the barrier, it allows the generation that follows to do better.

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.001
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesScience and technology studies, Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)
Consensus categoriesInsufficient payload (model declined to judge)
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: none
Teacher disagreement score0.534
Threshold uncertainty score1.000

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.001
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0100.000
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0000.000
Research integrity0.0000.001
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0010.001

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.073
GPT teacher head0.484
Teacher spread0.411 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; both teacher heads agree on what is shown here.

Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreEmpirical

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

Quick stats

Citations0
Published2017
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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