Bibliographic record
Abstract
This essay examines how meanings and practices of walking, particularly quantified walking, change according to place. Drawing together my own experience with a wearable computing device called a Fitbit at home and in my field site, East Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank of Palestine, I compare quantified walking and its focus on the self with other forms of walking that highlight place. I examine the relationship between self-monitoring and other-monitoring, especially in relation to walking in Palestine, and I explore how genres of mobility like nature walking or playing Pokémon GO might unfold differently in an occupied territory where the right to move is highly contested. I also explore Palestinian genres of walking, including the wander (sarha). In Palestine, walking becomes an important means not for pursuing personal health, but for cultivating a wider health of the land and knowledge of the nurturing relationship between land and the people who walk across it. Such practices of walking with or walking together can, I conclude, function as forms of kinwork. خلاصة يعالج هذا المقال طرائق تغير معاني وممارسات المشي على الأقدام، ولا سيما المشي المكمم (quantified walking)، وفقا للمكان. فاعتمادا على تجربتي الخاصة في استخدام جهاز حاسوب يدعى Fitbit والذي يمكن ارتداؤه ، في المنزل وفي مواقع بحثي الميداني في القدس الشرقية والضفة الغربية المحتلة في فلسطين، أقارن بين المشي المكمم واعتماده على الذات وبين أنواع أخرى من المشي التي تبرز المكان. كما وأقوم بفحص العلاقة بين المراقبة-الذاتية ومراقبة-الآخر، وخاصة فيما يخصّ المشي في فلسطين . وأستكشف أيضا إمكانية تجلّي أنواع متعددة من التنقل مثل التنزّه في الطبيعة ولعب بيكومون-غو (Pokémon GO) في منطقة محتلة حيث تخضع حرية الحركة إلى محدودية كبيرة. وأكاشف أيضا أنواعا من المشي على الأقدام في فلسطين بما في ذلك التنزّه (سرحة). إذ أصبح المشي على الاقدام في فلسطين بعيدا عن أن يكون وسيلة لتحسين الصحة الفردية، بل تحول إلى وسيلة هامة لتنمية علاقة راعية بين الأرض والناس الذين يسيرون عليها. وأخلص في نهاية المقال إلى النتيجة التي ترى أن الممارسات كالمشي معا أو كالمشي جماعةً تقوم مقام عمل-الأقارب (kinwork).
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.007 | 0.010 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.004 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.005 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.003 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".