Bibliographic record
Abstract
After the uprising leading to the end of the Qaddafi regime, Libya has historic opportunity to become democratic country in the Western sense if the peacebuilding process is successfully completed in the country in the post-conflict period. This article aims to outline the basic steps of the peacebuilding process, involving transitional justice, forming representative government, strengthening security, making new constitution, economic reconstruction, and national reconciliation, in that order. The study also emphasizes that since post-conflict situations usually require outside help due to institutional weaknesses, as well as limited human and financial resources, the assistance of the international community to Libya is crucial in the process of peacebuilding.INTRODUCTIONThe successful uprising in Libya that led to the ousting of longtime President Muammar Qaddafi is one of the most shocking events of the last year. Before the uprising, the common belief had been that, despite some opposition, Libya was stable authoritarian regime and prospects of change were minimal.But something unexpected occurred at the start of 2011. After popular movements overturned the rulers of Tunisia and Egypt, its immediate neighbors to the west and east, Libya began to experience large-scale uprising, starting on February 17, 2011. On February 27, the National Transitional Council (NTC) was established under the stewardship of Mustafa Abdul Jalil, Qaddafi's former justice minister, to administer the areas of Libya under rebel control. This marked the first serious effort to organize the broad-based opposition to the Qaddafi regime and on March 10, 2011, France became the first state to officially recognize the NTC as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people. By early March 2011, much of Libya tipped out of Qaddafi's control, coming under the control of coalition of opposition forces, including soldiers who decided to support the rebels. Especially Eastern Libya, centered on the second city and vital port of Benghazi, was firmly in the hands of the opposition, while Tripoli and its environs remained under Qaddafi's control for while.In several public appearances, Qaddafi threatened to destroy the protest movement and many agencies reported that his government was arming pro-Qaddafi militants to kill protesters 'm TriPoli. This led the United Nations (UN) to officially condemn the crackdown as violating international law. Meanwhile, the United States imposed economic sanctions against Libya, followed shortly after by Australia and Canada doing the same. On March 17, 2011, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1973 that sanctioned the establishment of no-fly zone and the use of all means necessary to protect civilians in Libya.On March 19, 2011, the first allied act to secure the no-fly zone began when French military jets entered Libyan airspace on reconnaissance mission to secure civilians. Allied military action, particularly involving the United States and United Kingdom, to enforce the ceasefire commenced the same day.On June 27, 2011, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Qaddafi, alleging that Qaddafi had been personally involved in planning and implementing a policy of widespread and systematic attacks against civilians.By August 22, 2011, the rebel fighters entered Tripoli and occupied Green Square, which they renamed Martyrs' Square in honor of those who died during the uprising. Qaddafi asserted that he was still in Libya and would not concede power to the rebels. But he was eventually captured and killed on October 20, 2011 in his hometown, Sirte.So the uprising targeting directly the Qaddafi regime and its supporters ended, but the greatest challenge, afterwards, has been how to heal the wounds of the large-scale conflict and build peace in the country. In that sense, Libya is at crossroad. The country may go to the direction of democracy if the peacebuilding process is successfully completed or autocracy may continue in new form if it is failed to do so. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.013 | 0.004 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.005 | 0.002 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.007 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.015 | 0.002 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".