Bibliographic record
Abstract
Ch a pter 7Womenpriests' Bodies in Persona Christi C atholicism places bodies at the center of the worship experience, from Christ's battered body hanging on the crucifix to statues of Mary cradling an infant Jesus, from stained-glass images of saints and scripture to holy relics of bone encased in altar tables, from the smells of incense and candles to the sounds of organs and hymns.The Catholic tradition disciplines believers' bodies with sacramentals (like genuflecting or making the sign of the cross) and rituals (like receiving Communion, attending liturgy, or confessing sins).The Roman Catholic Church further disciplines bodies by limiting permissible sexual behavior (forbidden outside of heterosexual marriage), drawing firm boundaries around procreation (as the primary purpose of sexual intercourse, not to be impeded by birth control), and forbidding homosexuality (as "intrinsically disordered" and "contrary to the natural law" 1 ).Roman Catholicism imprints itself on the bodies of the faithful.Catholic women's bodies have their own symbolic significance, especially when paired with church teachings on essential women's roles.For much of the twentieth century, the "eternal woman" ideal told American Catholic women that they should aspire to be humble, tender, and pious.Ubiquitous in books and Catholic magazines, the "eternal woman" language said that it was "every woman's duty to sacrifice her body, her will, her work, even her personality, for the sake of her family and the kingdom of God." 2 She was a virtuous archetype of selflessness and surrender.By negating herself, she transcended time and place to benefit humankind.Symbolically, she represented not Christ's atoning sacrifice but rather the Virgin Mary's acceptance of God's will.Womenpriests know well Catholicism's fixation on bodies.Canadian womanpriest Monica Kilburn-Smith told me during a phone interview that Catholic priesthood was "all about the penis"-that is, what men anatomically possess that women do not.For Kilburn-Smith, RCWP did the invaluable work of putting women into the roles, postures, and poses of the traditionally male-only
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.008 | 0.007 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.005 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.004 |
| Research integrity | 0.002 | 0.004 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.034 | 0.003 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".