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Record W4249572012 · doi:10.1093/ahr/rhy575

Introduction

2018· article· en· W4249572012 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Joshua L. Reid

Bibliographic record

VenueThe American Historical Review · 2018
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicHistorical Studies in Latin America
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsIndigenousColonialismEmpireTreatyEthnologyMesoamericaGeographyChiefdomHistoryPolitical scienceGenealogyAncient historyLawArchaeologyPoliticsEcology

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

The essays in this AHR Forum bracket three centuries of experiences that Indigenous peoples have had with colonial legal systems in North America. In seventeenth-century Spanish colonial Mixteca, Oaxaca, in today’s southern Mexico, Ñudzahui communities contended with a system of hierarchically nested judicial and authority structures that blended Indigenous and early modern Spanish legal practices. In a radically different colonial and natural environment thousands of miles to the north and several hundred years later, Yellowknives Dene peoples of Canada’s Northwest Territories found their lives circumscribed by international and national laws that were at odds with treaty rights they had reserved for themselves in the early twentieth century. Despite the disparate times and places of the legal cases analyzed in these two essays, they both demonstrate the centrality of colonial law to Indigenous lives. Specific historical contexts framed these Indigenous legal experiences. The Spanish invasion of Oaxaca began in the 1520s, and like many intrusions of Spanish empire into Mesoamerica, it included thousands of Indigenous allies, specifically 4,000 Nahua soldiers from the Valley of Mexico.1 Colonial Oaxaca was a very diverse region. The Ñudzahuis (“the people of the land of the rain,” more popularly known as Mixtecs) recognized—and continue to recognize—themselves as a unique people, distinct from neighboring Zapotecs and Chochos and from the invading Nahuas and Spaniards. Similar to the Nahuas with their altepetl (ethnic states), Ñudzahuis had organized themselves into small autonomous polities called ñuu. These centered around palace complexes where nobles assembled, received gifts, and feasted. Smaller sisui, groups of commoners, contributed goods and labor in this hierarchical social structure in which the lower classes observed reverence for and deference to elites. Among nobles and commoners, Ñudzahuis practiced a considerable degree of gender equality, as women owned land and property like men and even ruled as caciques. The dispersed nature of ñuu resulted in the fragmentation of Ñudzahuis as a political entity, which continued through colonial times and allowed local Indigenous communities to function on their own. After Spanish conquest, caciques and nobles continued to exercise day-to-day authority over ñuu and sought to defend and promote local interests. Much like the populations of other regions throughout Spanish colonial America, Ñudzahuis survived the trauma of colonialism through “complementary adaptation,” particularly throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They incorporated their own concepts of the sacred into Christian discourse to form a new Native religion and worldview. Where Indigenous and Spanish practices converged, such as around notions of property-holding and inheritance, Ñudzahuis pursued various strategies of cultural hybridity to maintain their communities and identity, a situation that continued through most of the seventeenth century.2

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.004
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesInsufficient payload (model declined to judge)
Consensus categoriesInsufficient payload (model declined to judge)
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: Not applicable
GenreCandidate signal: Review · Consensus signal: none
Teacher disagreement score0.620
Threshold uncertainty score0.998

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.004
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.002
Science and technology studies0.0010.003
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0010.000
Research integrity0.0000.000
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0030.003

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.029
GPT teacher head0.344
Teacher spread0.316 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; both teacher heads agree on what is shown here.

Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreReview

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

Quick stats

Citations0
Published2018
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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