Introduction: Theory Formation at the Intersection of International Relations and European Integration Studies
Bibliographic record
Abstract
It starts on 20 May 2017 in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, and not—as is traditionally the case—in Canada or Mexico. The 45th president of the United States, Donald John Trump, is on his first trip abroad since his inauguration on 20 January. He is visiting the rulers of a country with which, in his own words, the US has a partnership based on ‘shared interests and values’. When Trump gives a speech on 21 May to Arabian political leaders, the king of Saudi Arabia—a country where religious intolerance, barbaric punishments, and suppression of women and foreign workers are the norm—is listening attentively in the front row. He notes with satisfaction that Trump is targeting one of Saudi Arabia's archenemies, Iran, by accusing it of ‘fuelling the fires of sectarian conflict and terror’. The king is also pleased with the ‘historic’ arms deal worth 110 billion dollars announced at the conclusion of the state visit. Trump is in turn very satisfied with the ‘tremendous deals’ and ‘homerun successes’ for companies such as the private equity giant Blackstone and oil company ExxonMobil. Trump continues his first presidential trip abroad with a visit to Israel, has a conversation with the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and flies on to Rome on 23 May where he has an audience with the Pope. He then travels on to Brussels where, after ceremonial gatherings with the king and queen and the prime minister of Belgium, he causes irritation at the NATO summit. Trump calls his allies to account for their insufficient financial defence efforts and moreover refuses to voice his support for the obligation to come to each other's assistance embedded in Article 5 of the NATO Treaty. Leaving some NATO leaders in bewilderment, he returns to Italy where he meets some of the same faces again during the 43rd G7 summit in Sicily from 25 to 27 May. At this summit Trump refuses to embrace the climate agreement reached in Paris in 2015. All this leads Chancellor Angela Merkel to conclude that Europe must take its fate into its own hands. Trump is by that time already back in the US.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.003 | 0.006 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.003 | 0.006 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.004 | 0.010 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.011 | 0.010 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Research integrity | 0.004 | 0.008 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.027 | 0.004 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".