Bibliographic record
Abstract
An important factor that contributed to the decline of radical perspectives in criminology, including Marxist criminology, is the rise of perspectives on the Right of criminology in the 1970s. These perspectives have been described as ‘the new administrative criminology’ (Young, 1988: 176). They have also been described as ‘neo-conservative’ perspectives or ‘neo-liberal’ criminology.1 This is because they are said to promote ideas about crime and its control that are associated with neo-conservative ideology of the political Right regarding, inter alia, the importance of pursuing economic advancement that benefits a few, preserving traditional values, maintaining order, reinvigorating traditional institutions of control (for example, the family, educational institutions and penal institutions), reducing the role of the state, overlooking socio-economic causes and focusing instead on rationalising penal policies and practice to improve efficiency. Given their commitment to conservative ideals, it is perhaps not surprising that the neo-conservative perspectives of the 1970s and the 1980s went on to have a profound impact on the criminal justice policies of Conservative and Republican governments in the UK and the US, respectively. Rigakos (1996: 76) observes that,‘in the 1970s, neoconservatism enjoyed a dramatic rejuvenation. Since that time, critical criminologists have remained vigilant against a neoconservative onslaught that first materialised in the United States, travelled to England, and has now hit home in Canada.’ According to JockYoung (1988: 176), neo-conservative criminology or the ‘new administrative criminology’ emerged in the 1970s in the midst of an aetiological crisis.2 This occurred because existing explanations about the causes of crime appeared to be invalid for reasons we shall explore later.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".