New York's War of 1812: Politics, Society, and Combat by Richard V. Barbuto
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Reviewed by: New York's War of 1812: Politics, Society, and Combat by Richard V. Barbuto Harvey Strum (bio) New York's War of 1812: Politics, Society, and Combat By Richard V. Barbuto. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2021. 364 pages, 6" × 9", 10 b&w illus., 6 maps, 1 table. $39.95 cloth, $24.95 paperback, $32.95 e-book. Richard Barbuto's New York's War of 1812 presents a fascinating account of the military history of New York during the War of 1812 and can be considered the definitive work on the war. We needed a full-length account since we previously had only several regional studies, like Harry Landon's Bugles on the Border: The Story of the War of 1812 in Northern New York, Allan Everest's The War of 1812 in the Champlain Valley, or David Fitz-Enz's Final Invasion: Plattsburgh, the War of 1812's Most Decisive Battle. Richard V. Barbuto fills the need for a comprehensive analysis of the war's military events that has not been provided by any other historians. While the War of 1812, as Barbuto emphasizes, was New York's war, the state's government, unlike Maryland's, has done virtually nothing to commemorate these important historical events. Governor Daniel Tompkins emerges during the war as the best wartime executive. Tompkins succeeded in mobilizing the manpower and resources of the state. He did his best to arm, equip, feed, and shelter the militia called up for service. Tompkins's leadership led to the successful fortification of the approaches to New York City, preventing a repeat of the British occupation of the city during the Revolution. Throughout the war, Tompkins marshaled the resources to send to the frontiers of the state. Barbuto criticizes President Madison and War Department leaders for repeatedly failing to adequately supply and provide effective leadership for the regulars and the militia. In addition, Barbuto blames the Federalists in 1812 and 1813 for their unwillingness to support the governor in his efforts to provide the necessary financial resources to sustain the war effort. An important point raised in this study is the need for cooperation between the state and federal governments to wage the war, and Barbuto gives Governor Tompkins high marks for his consistent actions to foster state-federal cooperation, which President Madison eventually recognized. Tompkins took the initiative because the federal government failed to do its part, crippling the ability of the governor to fully mobilize the state's resources. One of the strengths of [End Page 389] Barbuto's analysis is his emphasis of the relationship between the federal government and state leadership, an issue not necessarily stressed in other military histories of the war. Barbuto evaluates the barriers to military success. Citing Lt. Joseph Hawley Dwight, Barbuto highlights one of the ongoing internal problems—the willingness of younger officers to fight and go on the offensive and the reluctance of senior officers "who appeared cautious to a fault" (135). This occurred during the failed 1812 Niagara campaign and in 1813, too; but this division within the ranks of both the regulars and the militia reappeared throughout the war. The reluctance of senior officers to lead demoralized troops contributed to the unwillingness of the soldiers to risk their lives when they had no faith in their senior officers, like General Smyth. Some of the officers of the regulars, like Smyth, detested the militia, and this prevented effective military cohesion in both offensive and defensive operations. If effective and heroic militia officers, like Jacob Brown and Peter Porter, led their men, the militia performed well. At the opposite end of the spectrum was Brig. Gen. George McClure, who "entered the annals of infamy" (177) by ordering the destruction of Newark, Canada, which led to the British retaliation along the Niagara Frontier. Barbuto also explores the problems of logistics, offering a careful and sophisticated analysis of the difficulties faced by the militia and the regulars, issues often underemphasized in other studies. Divided into eighteen chapters covering every significant battle, raid, and military operation in the state, this study addresses every military campaign and all significant failures and successes. Six chapters concentrate on the Niagara...
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.002 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".