Preface and Acknowledgments
Bibliographic record
Abstract
In a recent Supreme Court of Canada decision, Mr. Justice Louis LeBel wrote of how developments within the criminal law and, more recently, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms have come to ensure that "the criminal process ... is governed by principles of fundamental justice that are set out clearly in the Charter." 1 This he contrasted with the situation in earlier times, which he evoked with a reference to one of the most abiding images in legal history: "At least, after a few centuries, the path of the criminal law no longer leads from the gloom and filth of Newgate to a dance in the sky at Tyburn after a brief encounter with a hanging judge." 2 Equating hanging -neatly bundled with flawed courts and an inhumane penal system -with injustice in this way suggests that it is a relic of the distant past, but, though there may be considerable truth to this view insofar as courts and prisons are concerned, there is much less truth with respect to hanging per se: hangings were conducted in Canada as recently as the 1960s, and the death penalty was abolished only in 1976.Before that, capital punishment was securely entrenched in Canada's legal system, and indeed, at the time of Confederation and for many decades after, hanging occupied an important place -in some senses a central place -in Canada's criminal justice.During this period of roughly a century -a little less if one counts the years during which hangings did occur, a little more if one counts the years in which they could have taken place -several hundred people died on gallows raised across the country.Their deaths seem in many respects to have been part of the normal life of the nation: they were routinely reported in newspapers and, latterly, in other media, as part of the news of the day; the federal Cabinet, which was required to issue an Order-in-Council before each hanging, actually had standardized forms printed up for the purpose, with blanks so that the appropriate names and dates could be filled in; and as recently as 1956, after two years of deliberations, a Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.002 | 0.017 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.003 | 0.002 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.006 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.004 | 0.002 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Research integrity | 0.002 | 0.004 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.308 | 0.166 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; the direct Gemma label and the distilled Codex classifier agree on what is shown here.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".