Bibliographic record
Abstract
I n spite of their mutual significance in late modem societies, automobiles and religion rarely figure together as a site of social inquiry.This paper attempts to open up their intersection.It does not address mobilities, or forms of socially meaningful movement, that are generally associated with religious activity, such as pilgrimages, flagellant processions or spiritual holidays.On the contrary, I will consider how religious practice relates with mundane acts of car-driving.Mundane car-driving, understood here, should not be taken to mean 'simple' or particularly lucid behaviour, and incorporates many more actors and associations than cars, roads and drivers.As a wellknown author on the topic suggests, "automobility can be conceptualized as a self-organizing autopoetic, nonlinear system that spreads world-wide, and includes cars, car-drivers, roads, petroleum supplies and many novel objects, technologies and signs."1My argument claims that sacred ritual and mundane acts of automobility are deeply intertwined along particular pathways furnished by identifiable actors.The paper is organized into three parts.I first explore changing understandings of time and space, or the basic elements of physical mobility, and how they might suggest that religious ritual has become sequestered in relatively secular societies, or removed from everyday life.In the next section, after identifying two key problems with this characterization of ritual, I discuss two sources of complexity that nevertheless trouble its association with everyday automobility.Lastly, I apply my theoretical contentions to the case of the Vatican's Apostolate of the Road, which currently provides pastoral care to automobile-drivers in eleven European countries.21. John Urry, "The "System" of Automobility," Theory, Culture & Society 21 (2004): 25-39.2. Following my focus on Catholicism, I use the language of 'church' and generic Christian terminology throughout the paper, but the argument is structured such that church can in many cases easily be substituted with institutions from other faiths.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.006 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.004 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.004 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.021 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".