Bibliographic record
Abstract
anadians witnessed a Parliamentary crisis in late 2008.It came shortly after a federal election that many Canadians viewed with boredom and indifference.The incumbent Conservative party increased its standing in the House -it ended up holding more seats in the House than did the Liberals and NDP combined and was not far from a majority.Yet the Opposition parties threatened to bring down the government on a vote of confidence.They notified the Governor General that they were prepared to organize an alternate government.The Liberals, ruling in coalition with the NDP, and propped up for at least eighteen months by the Bloc Qubcois, would lead it.Some argued that, if defeated, the Harper government had a right under constitutional convention to request dissolution of Parliament and to have that request granted by the Governor General.Others argued that the Governor General had the discretion-or even the duty-to reject a call for a second election by a defeated government that came so soon after an election that the government itself had triggered.The shock and controversy of a prospective change in government absent an election, and the potentially crucial role of the Governor General, provoked widespread public interest.The prime minister sought and obtained a prorogation of Parliament while he assembled a new budget plan.Suddenly, arcane debates over Parliamentary procedures and conventions seemed relevant, interesting, even exciting to Canadians.My view is that there would have been a profound illegitimacy to the attempted take-over by the coalition.Parliamentary tradition in Canada strongly favours the "plurality principle"-that the party with the most seats in the House of Commons has the right to form government.Having the most seats in the House-even if not a majority of them-has been recognized as crucial with respect to the right to form a government and to request dissolution of Parliament.When the Liberals led by Louis St. Laurent in 1958 and Pierre Trudeau in 1978 found themselves in second place after elections, both leaders resigned government and the Governor General invited the plurality party to rule.When the government plurality party has sought an election-even within a year of a previous election-the Governor General has granted it.The plurality principle has much to recommend it: C
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".