Aging and Narratives of Loss: A History of Social Suffering
Bibliographic record
Abstract
IntroductionThe gerontological literature tends to focus on two interrelated phenomena. The first is the notion that is intimately linked to a process of (e.g., Garatachea and Lucia 2013; Inouye et al. 2007; Schrack et al. 2010; Wright and Perricelli 2008)-loss in the sense of increasing difficulties with physical mobility, failures in memory and mental acumen, of social relationships (often due to the death of loved ones or one's inability to take part in various activities) and decline in mental and physical health, with death as the eventual and inevitable outcome. Second, the gerontological literature also focuses on the ways individuals can be assisted, directly or indirectly, to meet the challenges of these losses as they age (e.g., Chu 2011; Morris et al. 2010). Although laudable and potentially helpful to those in need, the focus on and its management tends to ignore or minimize key aspects of the of (Graham and Stephenson 2010; Migliore and Dorazio-Migliore 2010; Randall 2013).Today, a growing number of scholars acknowledge that may occur as people age but stress that the process of is much more complex than the attention to would indicate. Life consists of various ups and downs throughout a person's life and may vary considerably from person to person (Capps 2012; Leon 2012; Migliore and Dorazio-Migliore 2010; Pruyser 1975). A focus on tends to draw attention away from the significant political, economic and social factors that have affected and in some cases continue to affect the lives of specific individuals, as well as the experiences and interpretations that give meaning to how people see themselves and their situation(s) in later life (see Russell 2010; Wentzell 2013). A focus on physical and mental decline also facilitates the ever-expanding medicalization of (see Conrad 2007; Hadler 2011). What is often missing in the gerontological literature, then, is attention to the various contexts-personal, social, cultural and historical-that influence and affect individuals throughout their lives and thereby impact the of aging, including any decline in health (see Fuller-Iglesias et al. 2009; Martin-Matthews 2011; Mayer 2009).In this article, we build on ideas from critical and interpretive medical anthropology, life course theory and other sources to examine issues of complexity in aging. More specifically, we address these issues of complexity by focusing on the life experiences of one elderly Sicilian Canadian woman in her mid-80s. Our aim is to make use of life history and illness narratives to illustrate how this individual contextualizes her current experiences of aging and loss in terms of the cumulative distress she has endured as a result of her social situation in Sicily, emigration/immigration to Canada, work in the garment industry, financial problems and discrimination. Loss, as interpreted by this individual, is not associated with per se, but rather is a consequence of a lifetime of what we would call social suffering-human problems that have their origins and consequences in the devastating injuries that social force inflicts on human experience (Kleinman et al. 1996:xi).Distress, Illness Narratives and Social SufferingEveryone experiences pain and suffering at certain points in life. This is subjective and idiosyncratic. To communicate one's pain to others, however, this subjective must be transformed into a social and cultural language that others can understand (Nichter 1981; Parsons 1984).This language consists of: (1) a number of verbal and nonverbal cues people can use to express their suffering; (2) various cultural concepts that provide individuals with a basis for interpreting and explaining their experiences or the experiences of others; and, (3) various preventive and therapeutic rationales people can employ to guide them in their attempts to deal with illness and misfortune. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.008 | 0.012 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.004 | 0.003 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.022 | 0.064 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.012 | 0.020 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.016 |
| Research integrity | 0.005 | 0.008 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.005 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".