Hangin' and retractin': Adolescent social practice and phonetic variation in an Ontario small town.
Bibliographic record
Abstract
One of the aims of sociolinguistics is to explain variation within the community.Although explanations are commonly predicated on differences in social factors such as age, sex, social class, and ethnicity, recent work has argued for a reformulation of these traditional social categories.For example, Preston and Ito's (1999;Ito 2000) work on the Northern Cities vowel shift in 'rural Michigan has shown that a speaker's loyalty to their local community or town is a significant social determinant in accommodating to urban sound change.Similarly, Hazen's (2001: 127) work on'vernacular features in Warren County, North Carolina, suggests that cultural identity (i.e.selfconception in relation to local and regional communities) should be included as part of the "regular litany of nonlinguistic factors assessed in the study of language variation."\l Incorporating speaker attitudes and identity into variationist studies is not new.LLabov's (1963) pioneering work on the centralization of/ay/ and /aw/ in Martha's Vineyard correlates attitudes towards the local island community with islanders' speech.Eckert (2000b) argues that researchers should return to examining the social factors relevant to the community under study.Using Wenger's (1998) concept of the'community of practice, Eckert, shows that variable patterns of involvement in the Northern Cities Shift can be explained as a form of social practice within the peer social order.For her community of suburban teenagers, cruising around the city, making trips to Detroit and involvement in their school's extra-curricular activities are all forms of social practice that together with variable patterns of language use construct identity within the high school.Following these suggestions to re-examine non-linguistic factors involving practice within and attitudes towards the local and regional communities, this paper reports my examination of a relatively understudied phenomenon occurring in Canadian English.Clarke et al. (1995) show that ?\ '} would like to extend my thanks to tliose'who offered insightful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.I am especially grateful to
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.004 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".