THE WORK STOPPAGES DATA FROM HUMAN RESOURCES AND SKILLS DEVELOPMENT CANADA [HRSDC]": A
Bibliographic record
Abstract
he most illuminating studies of worker militancy may be in-depth accounts of particular struggles. However, the current context of restructuring and globalization, in which Canadian workers face deteriorating conditions of work, competitive wage bargaining across national boundaries, dismantling of social programs, decreases in the social wage and a discursive shift to radical individualism, prompts questions about the overall patterns of worker militancy. Have economic and political changes shifted the understanding and practice of worker militancy? Have the gender-specific impacts of the 'new economy ' politicized women workers in particular, especially those in the public sector, and brought them to the forefront of resistance? These are the two key research questions guiding this project. The first step in this research has been to seek out the available Canadian statistical data which might make visible the profile of worker militancy.2 This research note introduces the reader to the work stoppages data from Human Resources and Skills Development Canada [HRSDC] (previously Human Resources Development Canada [HRDC]). I have negotiated access to the HRSDC work stoppage data which include 26,193 records, one for each Canadian strike from 1946-20013; my focus is on the 21,261 strikes from 1966-2001. In order to make the data set more manageable, the decision was made to focus on the years 1966 to the present. In the mid-1960s strike activity began to rise; in fact, although 1966 is not the year of the most strikes, it is the year which marks the beginning of a dramatic increase in person days lost to the economy:.34 % of working time compared to.17 % of working time in 1965 (Peirce, 2003: 343-4). During this time frame, there has also been a gradual and significant rise in women's labour force participation, and women as a percentage of the total employed. In 1964 women made up 28.4 % of the labour force; by 2001 this had
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.002 | 0.010 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.009 | 0.029 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.018 | 0.006 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".