Intergenerational differences in integration experiences between first-generation immigrants and their second-generation children

Statistical data from the 2016 census shows that immigrants from the South Asian subcontinent, who identify as the first-generation East Indian, Pakistani, Sri Lankan, Punjabi or Tamil, represent the second largest ethnic community in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2016). A majority of these individuals comprise families who raise their children in Canada, commonlyknown as the second-generation (Somerville and Robinson, 2016). Thus, the first-generation’s acquired human capital is of poignance in facilitating their children’s integration, which impacts their financial success and educational attainments, underlying differences in the social context of the host country (Boyd, 2002; Portes et al., 2009). As the second-generation children struggle with their integration experiences, they adopt selective acculturation as a plausible integration strategy to adapt to the mainstream Western culture, while retaining aspects of their unique ethnic identities (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Portes et al., 2005). Within the South Asian diaspora, immigrant parents play an influential role in shaping their children’s future through educational and professional experiences, accompanied byprominent ethnic ties within their community (Abada and Tenkorang, 2009; Boyd, 2002). However, as a part of their selective acculturation process, the second-generation youth often experience intergenerational conflict, marked by identity negotiation tensions and cultural dissonance (Giguere et al. 2010; Stroink et al. 2009). There has been growing academic interest that explores immigrant relationships between parents and their children across diverse ethnic enclaves in the United States and Canada. However, few studies have attempted to establish the negotiation of generational attitudes that aid in fostering positive communication and lower levels of intergenerational conflict. Thus, the research questions in this project seek to examine the following: (i) How do individual beliefs and values shape communication between the first-generation parents and their second-generation young adults?, and (ii) How do second-generation young adults negotiate their bicultural identities? Structured interviews were conducted with three families that consisted of the first-generation parent and their second-generation young adult across the South Asian Canadian community. This was followed by a thematic analysis to exemplify the counter influence of the prevalent beliefs and values between the two generations. The findings exemplified thatacknowledgment of differences in generational beliefs, with a degree of adherence to familial and cultural expectations, allowed the first-generation parents to harbour their children’s autonomy and emphasize the importance of life-long contentment. The second-generation women also expressed a strong allegiance to their cultural values imparted by their parents. However, their challenge of experiences related to social integration resulted in normative parent-child conflicts, creating an extensive process of identity negotiation through skilful communication strategies (Rajiva, 2006; Rajiva, 2009; Sundar, 2008). Therefore, the findings demonstrate the importance of mutual acknowledgment and understanding of the differences underlying assimilation experiences, which allowed them to foster happiness and establish a trustworthy parent-child relationship. This research study bears positive implications for policy makers and legislative reformers. The focus should be on implementing strategies that diversify understandings of various ethnic diasporas, to harbour the true meaning of multiculturalism which in return, could serve to mitigate normative family conflicts across immigrant communities.

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