Canadian and Nepali Counsellors: In Collaboration for Social Justice in Nepal/Les Conseillers Canadiens et Népalais : En Collaboration Pour la Justice Sociale Au Népal
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Even though it has been 7 years since the end of the 10-year civil war that aimed to install a democratic government in place of the Nepali monarchy, Gautam (2013) notes how the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the delivery of the Nepal Interim Constitution in 2007 have resulted in little being accomplished to forward the agenda of the common person. He cites the government as indifferent to its duties and responsibilities to the Nepali people in two main areas: (a) the rising costs of basic essentials such as food, shelter, fuel, and healthcare; and (b) an increased level of violence (especially against children, women, and seniors), as the leading authorities lack efficiency in punishing the perpetrators of these violent crimes. Of these oppressed groups, our main concern is for the Nepali children.Of importance to us is a new section in the Nepal Interim Constitution, 2007 (UNDP Nepal, 2009, see p. 9) in which the rights of the child were added for the first time. Some of these named rights are nurturing and basic health care, legal protection against any form of exploitation, special privileges from the State for children, and prohibition from being employed in any hazardous or exploitive work. Interestingly, the Nepali government's conventions include both the protection of children from the State itself (e.g., exploitation, prohibition from work in the army), and the duties of the State to ensure children's basic needs (e.g., health care, social security). However, these governmental duties have not been upheld (Gautam, 2013).Human right violations against children continue, and the lack of leadership in the Human Right Commission in Nepal is especially alarming. The Nepali government ignored calls from commissioners and citizens to attend to the appointment or reappointment of qualified, unbiased commissioners to the National Human Rights Commission and allowed the terms to elapse as of September 2013 (Human Rights Watch, 2013). The UN Human Rights Office in Nepal ceased all new work and activity as of December 2011, and its website is no longer being updated, remaining only as a web resource. The omission of new appointments leaves a leaderless commission and an increased lack of human rights protection for Nepali citizens. We have a particular concern for Nepali children and specifically with abuses of girls-child labour exploitation, abduction, trafficking, child marriages, and education deprivation (Bell, 2013; National Human Right Commission-Nepal, 2013)-making it all the more urgent to advocate for enforcing the legislation that exists for the protection of children.Ballet, Biggeri, and Comim (2011) note there is often a discrepancy between legislation for children and their socioeconomic status, social status in their community, and social priorities. In different contexts, children have different experiences and opportunities; this certainly follows in Nepal, where human rights continue to be nominal and not translated into real prospects for children.It is the consequences of these circumstances that motivate us in our duty to support the rights of Nepali children (specifically in the areas of health and education) through a social justice approach to counselling and collaboration. As counsellors from the west coast of Canada, we have collaborated with educated Nepali professionals to create a secure psychological and educational environment for girls in a counselling centre in Pokhara, Nepal, called Nepal House Kaski (NHK). Children who receive counselling services at NHK, or through the community outreach program in orphanages and detention centres, have experienced physical and sexual abuse, neglect, abandonment, exposure to domestic violence (as victims and witnesses), emotional and spiritual exploitation, fetal alcohol spectrum disorder, depression, anxiety, and health concerns including HIV and AIDS (data collected from NHK 2013 intake referrals). Many of the children are classified as orphans. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.006 | 0.009 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.068 | 0.010 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.013 | 0.005 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.012 |
| Research integrity | 0.006 | 0.009 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.022 | 0.002 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".